In comparison to the usual regime leaders, Bashar Al-Assad is mild-mannered and almost seems normal. In interviews he is well spoken and addresses hard questions rather than being evasive. He may have a viewpoint the outside world is skeptical of, but one can at least admit his attempt at being forthright. Barbara Walters said as much: "This man is highly educated, very calm... his whole demeanor is different [than other dictators]."
When reprehensible things that cannot be denied or explained away are brought up, Assad says "...that was the government ' not me". Regardless of whether it really is his doing or if the prime minister or others are pulling most of the strings, it must be known to Assad that he can't get away with saying such things. It becomes especially so the moment one looks closely at any of the unrest in Syria.
Situations like the Al-Qubeir massacre, in which about a hundred people in a town were killed by the Syrian military because protests were occurring there, happen every so often. Skirmishes are held and people die; there are calculated attacks on known government detractors such as cartoonists and writers. Such events are blamed on gangs and terrorists, which is in a way true: demonstrators who, upon being suppressed and attacked for wanting human rights, turn to the only viable option, resistance. They prefer to be called revolutionaries.
Though the government still has an iron grip on the country and international military intervention is nonexistent, the Free Syrian Army, what the resistance group calls themselves, is a force that will turn the tide, however slowly, to bring Assad down. Two reasons solidify Assad's downfall, one being the domino effect of the other fallen regimes and the other being the credibility of the FSA. With near full-world pressure, the fact that about 65% of the Syrian population is under 30, and the near manifest destiny expectation of the sweep of justice throughout the middle east, the foundations of Assad's government must feel the coming doom. The FSA isn't only civilian militia; thousands of Syrian military troops and dozens of high level officers ' the highest so far being the minister of oil ' have defected to the opposition. Many are in Turkey now, strategizing.
Most Eastern and Western nations call for his dethronement ' or at least condemn his use of force. The Arab League, now 21 countries including Egypt and Tunisia, suspended Syria's participation in it and demanded an end to the government's violence.
This is how all the other rulers went, by start of an uprising that broke out into something more, so much so that it couldn't be hidden by the simpleton stratagem of denying it ever happened or renaming somebody as a terrorist. The defining feature of the Arab spring is that its supporters simply won't go away, whether they form an army or simply protest from a tent in the street. Assad will see the same thing, the same people fighting, and it won't stop. Whether he resigns and remains in the background or is actually ousted and put to trial only time will tell, but sooner or later his fall is going to happen in one form or another.