"At 0600 hours local time today, official Iranian news outlets in Tehran announced the successful detonation of a nuclear weapon at a remote desert test site in Iran. According to the announcement the weapon had a yield of 100 kilotons, almost ten times that of the weapon detonated over Hiroshima in 1945. Shortly after the initial announcement Iranian television showed video of what it claimed were a dozen fully functional nuclear weapons mated to Khorramshahr intermediate range ballistic missiles. International monitors have confirmed that a nuclear test occurred but have not yet verified the yield.
In the immediate aftermath of the test the Iranian government made a series of demands, including the immediate withdrawal of all Saudi and coalition forces from Yemen, the withdrawal of all American forces from Iraq, the cessation of Israeli air strikes in Syria, the termination of all aid and assistance by the United States of America to rebel forces in Syria, and an end to the Israeli occupation of land seized from the Palestinians in 1947. To add emphasis to these demands, the Iranians announced that their nuclear armed missiles are now capable of hitting all major Arab capitals, all of Israel and European capitals as far away as Rome."
The above is, as of this writing, fiction, but it could become reality any day. In fact, in the aftermath of the disastrous Iran nuclear deal, the likelihood of such a series of events has increased rather than decreased.
That deal, sold based on the lie that it was the only way to avoid war with Iran, was always a pretext for orchestrating the real goal of the Obama administration, the dismantling of the containment policy regarding Iran adopted in 1979 with the fall of the Shah and maintained thereafter by successive American administrations, Republican and Democrat, for almost four decades. With the help of Iranian government representatives, who visited the White House no fewer than 33 times while the nuclear deal was being drafted, the Obama administration did that very effectively. It released Iran from virtually all sanctions, left its ballistic missile program intact and handed the mullahs in Tehran $150 billion dollars to go on a vast worldwide arms shopping spree.
Iran and North Korea have a long history of cooperation in regard to their nuclear and missile programs. The earliest Iranian ballistic missiles were, in fact, sold to Tehran by Pyongyang. That cooperation has continued to this day. Iran's newest and most dangerous ballistic missile is a copy of the North Korean Bm-25 missile. Iranian representatives have been present on multiple occasions to witness North Korean nuclear tests.
All the Iran nuclear deal has done is to pour jet fuel on this existing fire. The Iranians, who previously traded oil for technical assistance are now flush with cash and more than willing to evade international sanctions to get that money to a cash-starved North Korean regime. The North Koreans, according to press reports, may already have 100 nuclear weapons in their arsenal. The temptation to sell a handful of those in exchange for billions of dollars in hard currency cannot be insignificant.
Both North Korea and Iran also have highly developed, worldwide smuggling networks, which they have utilized for decades to evade sanctions and obtain critical components for weapons of mass destruction programs. In the case of the Iranians, these networks include a tangle of allegedly commercial airlines, which not only move key items to Tehran but also move men, weapons and cash from Iran to Shia terrorist organizations and militias supported by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) worldwide.
The Iran nuclear deal did nothing to restrain Iran's worldwide smuggling machine. In fact, since the deal Iran has been able to acquire long needed spare parts for its aging fleet of aircraft and to enter into negotiations for the purchase of brand new aircraft from western manufacturers. At the present time Iran is in negotiation with both Boeing and AirBus to buy a total of 300 modern aircraft for $40 billion.
Likewise North Korean efforts to evade sanctions remain ongoing. Chinese ships are reported to be continuing to smuggle materials, including fuel oil, to North Korea. Only days ago, German intelligence reported that North Korea continues to use its embassy in Berlin as a platform for the acquisition of items needed for its illicit nuclear and missile programs. For years North Korean officials have also been implicated in counterfeiting and drug smuggling worldwide.
In short, there is every reason on earth not only to assume that North Korea would be willing to sell Iran nuclear weapons but also to assume that Iran and North Korea have the means with which to move those weapons from North Korea into Iran undetected. Western intelligence services, which struggle on most days simply to determine when and where North Korea will conduct its next nuclear test, cannot possibly be expected to detect and interdict what would amount to no more than a handful of commercial flights before the deed is done.
The acquisition of nuclear weapons by Iran would be a world changing event and one which would take an already dangerously unstable region, the Middle East, and transform it overnight into the area of the world most likely to witness a true exchange of nuclear weapons. Israeli nuclear weapons would be on a hair trigger for launch, and the presence of nuclear weapons in Iran would guarantee the acquisition of such weapons by the Saudis.
What all this brings into sudden, sharp focus is the necessity for a fundamental change in our policy toward both Iran and North Korea. President Trump has already taken the first steps in that direction. Much more remains to be done. North Korea cannot remain a nuclear weapons state; it must be disarmed. Iran must once again be contained. The disastrous Iran deal must be abandoned. Sanctions must be reimposed.
We have time, but not much. The line between fiction and fact is blurring, and we are closer ever day to waking up to a nightmare.